{"id":19009,"date":"2025-05-30T21:10:00","date_gmt":"2025-05-30T19:10:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/aassdn.org\/amicale\/?p=19009"},"modified":"2025-05-30T21:12:32","modified_gmt":"2025-05-30T19:12:32","slug":"tension-le-parlement-francais-face-a-la-guerre","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/aassdn.org\/amicale\/tension-le-parlement-francais-face-a-la-guerre\/","title":{"rendered":"Tension : Le Parlement fran\u00e7ais face \u00e0 la guerre"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Dans une d\u00e9mocratie confront\u00e9e \u00e0 la guerre, le Parlement fran\u00e7ais doit conjuguer principes d\u00e9mocratiques et efficacit\u00e9 militaire. Mais quelle place occupe-t-il vraiment face \u00e0 l\u2019urgence strat\u00e9gique et pr\u00e9sidentielle ?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Le retour de la guerre en Ukraine a favoris\u00e9, depuis trois ans, les postures et discours pol\u00e9mologiques au c\u0153ur de nos institutions. Voici d\u00e9sormais nos syst\u00e8mes d\u00e9mocratiques confront\u00e9s \u00e0 des enjeux militaires et strat\u00e9giques avec, comme point n\u00e9vralgique, un d\u00e9fi de taille&nbsp;: celui d\u2019assurer la continuit\u00e9 de la vie d\u00e9mocratique dans un contexte domin\u00e9 par la violence, le tragique et le brouillard strat\u00e9gique.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>En cas de guerre, il revient aux dirigeants d\u2019op\u00e9rer la difficile conciliation entre \u00e9tat de droit et \u00e9tat de guerre, entre principes d\u00e9mocratiques et efficacit\u00e9 op\u00e9rationnelle. Ce dilemme trouve une acuit\u00e9 particuli\u00e8re dans le r\u00e9gime de <a href=\"https:\/\/www.vie-publique.fr\/fiches\/38013-comment-caracteriser-le-regime-politique-de-la-ve-republique\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">la V<sup>e<\/sup> R\u00e9publique<\/a>, domin\u00e9 par le Pr\u00e9sident, garant de la continuit\u00e9 des institutions et donc de la vie d\u00e9mocratique, et par le Parlement, expression de la souverainet\u00e9 nationale et populaire, et \u00e0 qui revient de contr\u00f4ler l\u2019action de l\u2019ex\u00e9cutif.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Or, par d\u00e9finition, la guerre et, accessoirement, l\u2019ennemi (s\u00fbrement peu soucieux du respect de l\u2019\u00e9tat de droit) imposent un rythme auquel la vie politique et parlementaire est peu coutumi\u00e8re, davantage fa\u00e7onn\u00e9e par les lenteurs inh\u00e9rentes au processus l\u00e9gislatif et par les querelles partisanes. Quel est alors le r\u00f4le des d\u00e9put\u00e9s et s\u00e9nateurs en cas d\u2019engagement de la France dans un conflit majeur&nbsp;?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Le Parlement est responsable du budget<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>La Constitution du 4 octobre 1958 conf\u00e8re un r\u00f4le central au Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique : chef des arm\u00e9es (article 15), titulaire des pouvoirs exceptionnels en cas de crise (article 16), il incarne la cl\u00e9 de vo\u00fbte de la politique de D\u00e9fense. \u00c0 lui reviennent l\u2019orientation strat\u00e9gique, les nominations militaires, la d\u00e9cision d\u2019engagement de troupes \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tranger, ou encore la mise en \u0153uvre d\u2019une \u00e9conomie de guerre mobilisant citoyens et appareil industriel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Dans les faits, le Parlement exerce avant tout une fonction budg\u00e9taire : il vote les lois de programmation militaire (LPM), qui d\u00e9terminent, sur six ans, le niveau et l\u2019affectation des cr\u00e9dits allou\u00e9s \u00e0 la d\u00e9fense (413 milliards d\u2019euros pour 2024-2030). La LPM traduit donc dans le budget dans la loi les ambitions, et parfois les sacrifices ou renoncements, du pays dans sa politique de D\u00e9fense&nbsp;: de la fermeture de casernes \u00e0 la commande du porte-avions de Nouvelle G\u00e9n\u00e9ration, de la commande de nouveaux canons Caesar aux investissements dans le spatial militaire.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Le Parlement a donc une responsabilit\u00e9 de premier plan dans le dimensionnement ou la r\u00e9duction de nos arm\u00e9es et de leurs moyens afin de r\u00e9pondre aux objectifs op\u00e9rationnels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Un contr\u00f4le th\u00e9oriquement \u00e9tendu\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Toutefois, lorsque survient la guerre, la Constitution pr\u00e9voit l\u2019activation de l\u2019article 35, r\u00e9vis\u00e9 en 2008 sous la pr\u00e9sidence de Nicolas Sarkozy (2007 \u2013 2012). Il pr\u00e9voit que :<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>le Parlement autorise toute d\u00e9claration de guerre ;<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>il est inform\u00e9 dans les trois jours de toute intervention ext\u00e9rieure, pour un d\u00e9bat sans vote ;<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>au-del\u00e0 de quatre mois, l\u2019autorisation parlementaire est requise pour prolonger l\u2019op\u00e9ration, avec un pouvoir de d\u00e9cision ultime confi\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019Assembl\u00e9e nationale.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p>Il est notable que la notion m\u00eame de \u00ab&nbsp;guerre&nbsp;\u00bb a quasiment disparu au profit du concept d\u2019<a href=\"https:\/\/www.vie-publique.fr\/eclairage\/18474-les-operations-militaires-exterieures-de-la-france-opex\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">interventions militaires ext\u00e9rieures ou \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tranger<\/a>, appel\u00e9es commun\u00e9ment OPEX. La raison principale en est que le Pr\u00e9ambule de la Constitution (\u00e0 valeur constitutionnelle depuis 1971) prohibe toute \u00ab <em>guerre dans des vues de conqu\u00eate<\/em> \u00bb et tout emploi des forces \u00ab <em>contre la libert\u00e9 d\u2019aucun peuple<\/em> \u00bb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ce m\u00e9canisme de l\u2019article 35 vise \u00e0 corriger l\u2019ancienne doctrine, fruit d\u2019une interpr\u00e9tation extensive des pr\u00e9rogatives pr\u00e9sidentielles en mati\u00e8re de d\u00e9fense (confort\u00e9e par la jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel et la pratique politique), qui laissait \u00e0 l\u2019ex\u00e9cutif une libert\u00e9 quasi absolue dans ce domaine \u00ab&nbsp;r\u00e9serv\u00e9&nbsp;\u00bb, sans obligation d\u2019information ni de contr\u00f4le du Parlement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>En pratique, cette r\u00e9vision de 2008 marque un tournant : depuis lors, les interventions en Afghanistan (2008), Libye (2011), Mali (2013), Centrafrique (2013), Irak (2014) et Syrie (2018) ont toutes donn\u00e9 lieu \u00e0 des informations au Parlement, parfois suivies de votes qui, en p\u00e9riode de fait majoritaire, ont toujours donn\u00e9 lieu \u00e0 un large consensus, suscitant des critiques \u00e9videntes de la part des oppositions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u2026mais en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 limit\u00e9 et critiqu\u00e9&nbsp;!<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Les accusations sont en effet r\u00e9currentes \u00e0 l\u2019encontre des votes de prolongation, r\u00e9guli\u00e8rement interpr\u00e9t\u00e9s comme un blanc-seing sans limites de dur\u00e9e, d\u2019espace ni d\u2019objectifs. Sont ainsi point\u00e9s du doigt des d\u00e9bats per\u00e7us comme formels et minimalistes, la pauvret\u00e9 des informations d\u00e9livr\u00e9es au Parlement, le difficile acc\u00e8s aux \u00e9l\u00e9ments classifi\u00e9s, tout comme l\u2019invocation du secret-d\u00e9fense qui permet d\u2019\u00e9viter le contr\u00f4le institutionnel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Par ailleurs, certaines op\u00e9rations, ponctuelles et limit\u00e9es (Kolwezi en 1978, Hamilton en 2018), \u00e9chappent \u00e0 toute proc\u00e9dure parlementaire, tout comme celles men\u00e9es sous mandat onusien (guerre du Golfe, Bosnie, Libye) qui rel\u00e8vent du cadre multilat\u00e9ral, marginalisant le d\u00e9bat national. M\u00eame les op\u00e9rations de d\u00e9fense des territoires ultramarins (comme la guerre des Malouines\/Falklands en 1982) pourraient, en cas de crise dans les Outre-mer (Nouvelle-Cal\u00e9donie, par exemple), \u00e9chapper \u00e0 la qualification d\u2019OPEX et relever exclusivement du pouvoir ex\u00e9cutif sans pouvoir de contr\u00f4le relevant de l\u2019article 35.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Enfin, dans l\u2019hypoth\u00e8se la plus dramatique \u2014 une agression ext\u00e9rieure directe \u2014 le recours \u00e0 l\u2019article 16 r\u00e9duirait le Parlement \u00e0 un r\u00f4le minimal, sous l\u2019effet des pouvoirs exceptionnels du Pr\u00e9sident (article appliqu\u00e9 une seule fois par le g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de Gaulle du 23 avril au 29 septembre 1961, apr\u00e8s la tentative de putsch des g\u00e9n\u00e9raux en pendant la guerre d\u2019Alg\u00e9rie).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Certains mod\u00e8les, allemand ou anglo-saxons, pr\u00e9voient les m\u00eames m\u00e9canismes avec parfois des pouvoirs \u00e9tendus au b\u00e9n\u00e9fice des commissions permanentes&nbsp;: celles-ci disposent alors de v\u00e9ritables pouvoirs d\u2019enqu\u00eate, d\u2019acc\u00e8s \u00e0 l\u2019information classifi\u00e9e, et peuvent \u00e9valuer les objectifs, les co\u00fbts, et les issues politiques des op\u00e9rations, faisant r\u00e9guli\u00e8rement r\u00eaver les oppositions en h\u00e9micycle\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ainsi, la guerre impose son rythme, ses urgences et parfois ses opacit\u00e9s, et le Parlement en est parfois rel\u00e9gu\u00e9 au rang de spectateur, bien qu\u2019une responsabilit\u00e9 colossale p\u00e8se sur ses \u00e9paules dans la trajectoire financi\u00e8re de nos Arm\u00e9es, car c\u2019est bien celle-ci qui inscrit dans la dur\u00e9e la vision que la Nation porte sur sa propre s\u00e9curit\u00e9.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Au-del\u00e0 de ces pouvoirs pr\u00e9vus par la constitution, les parlementaires assument parfois autrement leur responsabilit\u00e9 : c\u2019est ce que nous rappellent les monuments aux morts de la salle des Quatre Colonnes de l\u2019Assembl\u00e9e nationale, avec le nom des 28 d\u00e9put\u00e9s morts pour la France au cours des deux guerres mondiales.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-right\"><strong>Charles HERRBACH<\/strong><br><a href=\"https:\/\/www.revueconflits.com\/le-parlement-francais-face-a-la-guerre\/#:~:text=Dans%20une%20d%C3%A9mocratie%20confront%C3%A9e%20%C3%A0%20la%20guerre%2C%20le,l%E2%80%99urgence%20strat%C3%A9gique%20et%20pr%C3%A9sidentielle%20%3F%20Par%20Charles%20Herrbach\"><em>Revue Conflits<\/em><\/a><br>21 mai 2025<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-right has-small-font-size\"><em>Source photo : Revue Conflits<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n<div class=\"pdfprnt-buttons pdfprnt-buttons-post pdfprnt-bottom-right\"><a href=\"https:\/\/aassdn.org\/amicale\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/19009?print=pdf\" class=\"pdfprnt-button pdfprnt-button-pdf\" target=\"_blank\" ><img decoding=\"async\" data-src=\"https:\/\/aassdn.org\/amicale\/wp-content\/plugins\/pdf-print\/images\/pdf.png\" alt=\"image_pdf\" title=\"Afficher le PDF\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyB3aWR0aD0iMSIgaGVpZ2h0PSIxIiB4bWxucz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMjAwMC9zdmciPjwvc3ZnPg==\" class=\"lazyload\" style=\"--smush-placeholder-width: 32px; --smush-placeholder-aspect-ratio: 32\/32;\" \/><\/a><a href=\"https:\/\/aassdn.org\/amicale\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/19009?print=print\" class=\"pdfprnt-button pdfprnt-button-print\" target=\"_blank\" ><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Dans une d\u00e9mocratie confront\u00e9e \u00e0 la guerre, le Parlement fran\u00e7ais doit conjuguer principes d\u00e9mocratiques et efficacit\u00e9 militaire. Mais quelle place occupe-t-il vraiment face \u00e0 l\u2019urgence strat\u00e9gique et pr\u00e9sidentielle ? Le retour de la guerre en Ukraine a favoris\u00e9, depuis trois ans, les postures et discours pol\u00e9mologiques au c\u0153ur de nos institutions. Voici d\u00e9sormais nos syst\u00e8mes [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":32,"featured_media":19010,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[288,2943,278],"tags":[1236,828,1858,5046,352,3326,5111,307,2737,346,3745,3467,5113,5100,962],"class_list":["post-19009","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-2020-2030","category-2022-2024-guerre-en-ukraine","category-actualites","tag-afghanistan","tag-armee","tag-armees","tag-budget-de-defense","tag-conflit","tag-conflits","tag-constitution","tag-defense","tag-democratie","tag-guerre","tag-guerre-en-ukraine","tag-libye","tag-lpm","tag-parlement-francais","tag-president"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.4 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Tension : Le Parlement fran\u00e7ais face \u00e0 la guerre | AASSDN | Anciens et Amis des Services Sp\u00e9ciaux<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/aassdn.org\/amicale\/tension-le-parlement-francais-face-a-la-guerre\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Tension : Le Parlement fran\u00e7ais face \u00e0 la guerre | AASSDN | Anciens et Amis des Services Sp\u00e9ciaux\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Dans une d\u00e9mocratie confront\u00e9e \u00e0 la guerre, le Parlement fran\u00e7ais doit conjuguer principes d\u00e9mocratiques et efficacit\u00e9 militaire. Mais quelle place occupe-t-il vraiment face \u00e0 l\u2019urgence strat\u00e9gique et pr\u00e9sidentielle ? Le retour de la guerre en Ukraine a favoris\u00e9, depuis trois ans, les postures et discours pol\u00e9mologiques au c\u0153ur de nos institutions. 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